A Social Enigma – OpEd
The recent political developments in India, marked by the swearing-in of Narendra Modi for his third term as prime minister, have underscored a troubling trend: the systematic exclusion of Muslims from the political sphere. Despite an outward display of diversity in his oversized cabinet of 71 members, which includes women, Dalits, and religious minorities such as Sikhs and Christians, the absence of Muslims is a stark reminder of the deepening marginalization of this significant minority.
The symbolic significance of political representation cannot be overstated in a democracy. It is a marker of inclusion, citizenship, and equal participation in the governance process. However, the nomination of Muslim candidates by all political parties combined has plunged dramatically from 320 in 2014 to a historic low of 94 in 2024. This decline is not confined to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP); it extends across the political spectrum, including parties that profess allegiance to India's secular democratic Constitution.
The BJP-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ideological project has achieved a dual triumph. Firstly, it has ensured minimal representation of Muslims in Parliament and state legislatures. Secondly, and perhaps more alarmingly, it has influenced opposition parties like the Congress to avoid nominating Muslim candidates outside of a few constituencies with high Muslim concentrations. This capitulation by non-BJP parties to the BJP's exclusionary agenda is a significant victory for Hindutva politics. The Congress party, for instance, did not nominate a single Muslim candidate in states like Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand, and Gujarat in the 2024 elections. Major opposition parties, including the Congress, Trinamool Congress, Samajwadi Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Nationalist Congress Party, and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), together fielded only 43 Muslim candidates, a sharp decline from 115 in 2019.
Political scientist and historian Ali Khan Mahmudabad aptly describes this transition: India has moved from marginalizing Muslims to actively excluding them. However, amidst this bleak landscape, a silver lining exists. Despite the drastic reduction in nominations, the number of Muslim candidates elected remained steady at 24. This disproves the argument that Muslim candidates lack "winnability" and highlights a resilient voter base willing to defy exclusionary politics. The electoral strategy of the BJP under Modi has fundamentally altered Indian politics. The BJP's deliberate exclusion of Muslims, reflected in fielding only one Muslim candidate in 2024, aligns with the RSS's vision of a Hindu India where Muslims are relegated to second-class citizenship. Modi's rhetoric, alongside the hateful speech of his senior colleagues, has further stigmatized Muslims, portraying them as disloyal and dangerous infiltrators.
This exclusion has profound social implications. Muslims, constituting around 14% of India's population, find themselves increasingly marginalized and targeted. Hate speech, mob lynching, and hate crimes have become commonplace. The 2024 national elections saw Muslims thrust into the spotlight not to address their concerns but to further inflame social tensions and communal hatred. Historically, Muslims have never been proportionately represented in the Lok Sabha, with an average of only 6% of members being Muslim since 1952. This underrepresentation has worsened with the rise of the BJP. In 2024, Muslims held only 24 seats, far below their proportionate share. This decline in representation is linked to the political rise of the BJP and its strategy of uniting non-Muslim communities against Muslims, effectively making Muslim votes dispensable.
The BJP's success in excluding Muslims is also evident in its ability to garner support from various communities, including Christians and Dalits, despite their own histories of marginalization. This political strategy has effectively united non-Muslim communities against Muslims, reinforcing the notion of Muslims as the "enemy within." The lack of political representation for Muslims is not just a failure of the BJP but of the entire political system. Non-BJP parties have largely capitulated to the BJP's agenda, avoiding Muslim candidates out of fear of losing Hindu votes. This reflects a shift from a "political majority," based on policy and governance, to a "communal majority," based on religious identity.
The declining political courage of non-BJP parties to nominate Muslim candidates reveals a belief that Hindus vote communally, while Muslims are expected to vote secularly. This imbalance further entrenches Muslim marginalization. The 2024 elections underscore a deepening crisis: Are Muslims in India destined to be perpetual outsiders, or will they be recognized as equal citizens with full political rights? The answer lies not just in numbers but in the willingness of India's political class to uphold the principles of secular democracy. The fight for Muslim representation is not just about seats in parliament but about affirming the inclusive spirit of India's democracy.
In conclusion, the exclusion of Muslims from political representation is not just a political issue but a social crisis that threatens the very fabric of Indian democracy. It is imperative for all political parties, civil society, and citizens to recognize and address this exclusion. Only then can India truly live up to its democratic ideals and ensure that all its citizens, regardless of their religion, enjoy equal rights and representation.