A year after the uprising, women in Bangladesh face new challenges
A conversation with Farzana Sithi, a prominent student activist from Jessore and women's rights advocate
Originally published on Global Voices
Farzana Sithi, a prominent student activist from Jessore, emerged as one of the defining faces of Bangladesh’s youth-led uprising in 2024. Known for her fiery speeches and determination to champion women’s rights, Sithi became a household name during the July to August 2024 protests that reshaped the nation’s political landscape and forced top government officials to step down. A student of the 2018-19 batch at the Government College of Applied Human Sciences and a volunteer with The Hunger Project, Bangladesh, she stood at the forefront of the anti-discrimination movement. Despite facing relentless online harassment and smear campaigns from different groups, her unyielding defiance made her a symbol of strength. Admirers across the country hailed her as the “Tigress” and “Iron Lady” of Bangladesh’s women’s resistance movement.
In this conversation with Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay, Sithi reflects on the post-revolution reality, her outspoken advocacy, the commercialization of the July uprising, and the uncertain future of women’s safety in a country still grappling with the promises of change.
Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay (AB): The first anniversary of the July uprising has just passed. How far do you think the movement’s core aspirations have been realized?
Farzana Sithi (FS): The uprising was, at its core, a collective stand against years of discrimination and authoritarian rule. When the regime finally collapsed, there was a genuine wave of hope across the country. People believed that, at last, Bangladesh could move toward a future free from discrimination — a nation where freedom of speech and the safety of its citizens would be upheld, not threatened, by the state.
But a year on, I have to say with deep disappointment that we're standing at zero progress. In fact, things are worse. Religious and gender-based discrimination are on the rise across the country. Public safety has collapsed, especially for women. Personally, I no longer feel safe when I step outside; there’s a constant sense of fear. Besides, public lynchings, mob violence, easy availability of illegal arms, and the routine harassment of women — these have all become disturbingly normal. Since August 5, 2024, violence has seeped into everyday life and settled there.
What’s even more heartbreaking is the way the revolution’s martyrs have been forgotten. The movement was built on the blood of our brave brothers and sisters, yet many of those killed remain unaccounted for. There is still no complete list of martyrs, DNA tests are unfinished, Families continue to plead for the most basic information, and they are met with silence. Of all the interim government’s failures, this is the most shameful: the refusal to honor the dead. And yet, the state throws concerts and commemorations, staging spectacle while denying grieving families the closure they desperately need.
AB: Sheikh Hasina [the former Prime Minister of Bangladesh who was forced to step down during the 2024 uprising] had long invoked the legacy of the Liberation War to legitimize the Awami League’s authoritarian rule. In your view, has the July Uprising undergone a similar process of political appropriation or commercialization over the past year?
FS: I’ve always believed that history offers us crucial lessons — if only we’re willing to learn from it. Take the Liberation War of 1971, for example. Millions laid down their lives for a free Bangladesh, yet once the Awami League resumed power in 2009, it began to treat that collective sacrifice as its own political property. Sadly, after the 2024 revolution, we began to witness the same pattern repeat itself. The blood and martyrdom of our thousands of brothers and sisters started being used for political gain.
New parties and alliances emerged around July, each claiming to be the true heir of the revolution. What followed were bitter conflicts over who the “real stakeholders” were, and in this battle for ownership, the very spirit of the revolution was betrayed. As Walter Benjamin famously said, “Behind every fascist there is a failed revolution.” And that’s the danger we face now. When those who rise after the fall of a fascist regime begin to mimic its ideals, language, and methods, they, too, risk becoming fascists in new clothes.
AB: Since August 5, 2024, we’ve witnessed a steady attempt to remove the women of July from the country’s post-revolution narrative. What’s your take on this process, and what does it say about Bangladesh’s struggle for gender equality today?
FS: The greatest strength of the July Uprising was the spontaneous and fearless participation of women from every corner of the country. In those final, tumultuous days of July, during the “Bangla Blockade” — when Hasina’s police forces and the Chhatra League were brutally attacking male protesters, it was the women of Bengal who broke through the barricades and stood as shields in front of them. Many of them were beaten and wounded, yet they refused to retreat. Their courage sustained the momentum of the movement. Without these women, I genuinely believe the uprising itself might not have been possible.
And yet, what followed was nothing short of betrayal. From August 5 onward, these same women began to be pushed aside, silenced, and attacked across every sphere. One of the greatest hopes after the uprising was that women would finally take their rightful place in politics, shaping policies and leading from the front. But that possibility was quickly shut down.
Take the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission report, for instance — it had recommended a specific quota for women candidates in the upcoming election. Through endless bargaining and backroom deals, that number was reduced from 35 percent to 10 percent, then to 5 percent, and finally fixed at 10 percent. And even then, they openly declared they couldn’t increase it further. That tells you everything. This is what the ruling powers fear most — women with real political agency. Their fear has taken the form of deliberate erasure, and we are witnessing that erasure unfold every single day.
AB: What's your opinion on the current state of women's safety in Bangladesh?
FS: Catastrophic! Women make up 51 percent of Bangladesh’s total population, yet since August 5, the scale of violence against them has reached an intensity I’ve never witnessed in my lifetime. Mob assaults, slut-shaming, sexual abuse — these have become frighteningly routine. Personally, I’ve faced relentless cyberbullying for over a year. When a government fails to ensure the safety of half its citizens, there’s no question — it is a failed government.
Frankly, I don’t believe the interim government can be described as women-friendly in any way. Since taking power, it has deliberately sidelined women and chosen to ignore the insecurity they face every day. The government did absolutely nothing. No condemnation, no discussion, no attempt to protect the Women's Affairs Reform Commission’s vision.
What’s even more disappointing is the silence of many political women leaders who rose to prominence after the revolution. Not one has raised a voice in protest. And yet, amidst this despair, there’s one undeniable truth that our women are still fighting. July became a symbol of strength for every woman in Bangladesh. We were there, we are here, and we will remain — and if the time comes again, we will not hesitate to return to the streets.
AB: Is this a new beginning of struggle for the women of Bangladesh?
FS: The struggle never ended. Bangladeshi Women have been on the battlefield since 1971; July simply reconnected us with that long, rebellious past. If the systematic attacks on women continue as they are now, we will return to the streets. But resistance without organization is fragile. Before anything else, we must rebuild unity, guard against diversionary tactics, and avoid getting pulled into manufactured disputes.
If we can reclaim that solidarity and articulate our demands firmly, change is possible. Pissed off women are definitely gonna bring change to this country.