Poland Will Seek Its Own Nuclear Weapons, Prime Minister Tusk Says

Poland’s government has signaled that it intends to take a far more assertive role in shaping Europe’s nuclear future. Prime Minister Donald Tusk on Tuesday declared that Warsaw will not remain “passive” when it comes to nuclear security in a military context, suggesting that Poland will eventually seek its own nuclear weapons.

Speaking ahead of a Cabinet meeting in Warsaw, Tusk confirmed that Poland is engaged in discussions with France and several European partners regarding what he described as an “advanced nuclear deterrent system.” The issue, he said, will soon be formally reviewed by the Polish government.

“Poland will not want to be passive when it comes to nuclear security in a military context,” Tusk stated. “We will cooperate with our allies, including France, which has made this specific proposal, and as our own autonomous capabilities increase, we will also strive to prepare Poland in the future for the most autonomous actions possible in this matter.”

The remarks follow French President Emmanuel Macron’s announcement that Paris intends to strengthen its nuclear deterrence posture and extend structured cooperation to select European states. Poland is among the countries that have expressed interest in participating in exploratory talks.

Under the French concept, cooperation could involve hosting components of France’s strategic air forces, joint military exercises, and visible demonstrations of nuclear capabilities beyond French territory. However, Macron made clear that ultimate authority over the use of French nuclear weapons would remain exclusively with the French president.

That limitation has not deterred Warsaw from engaging in discussions. Tusk said Poland is consulting not only bilaterally with Paris but also with other invited participants in the emerging framework.

“In March, the Nuclear Energy Summit will take place in Paris,” Tusk noted. “There, I will also have the opportunity to discuss this not only with President Macron, but also with our other European partners.”

The broader backdrop is Europe’s growing concern about the reliability of existing security structures. French officials have argued that the global arms control architecture is weakening and that Europe must adapt to a more unstable security environment.

Poland, a NATO member and signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, does not possess nuclear weapons. Nonetheless, it plays an active role in NATO’s collective defense planning, including participation in nuclear deterrence consultations.

Tusk’s language suggests a strategic shift toward greater European autonomy in defense matters. “We are investing heavily in future nuclear power plants,” he said, linking Poland’s civilian nuclear ambitions with a broader national security posture.

The prime minister added that as Poland’s capabilities expand, Warsaw intends to “prepare Poland for autonomous action in this matter.” In an era where geopolitical uncertainties are mounting, such language reflects a growing desire for sovereign capacity rather than dependence.

Public opinion appears to be moving in a similar direction. A new IBRiS poll for Radio ZET found that 50.9% of Poles support acquiring nuclear weapons, while 38.6% oppose the idea and 10.5% remain undecided.

Of those surveyed, 20.9% said “definitely yes” to Poland obtaining nuclear weapons, while 30.0% responded “rather yes.” On the other side, 23.5% said “rather no” and 15.1% “definitely no.”

Support was evenly split between men and women, at 51% each. Opposition was somewhat lower among women than men, though a notable share in both groups remained undecided.

Political affiliation reveals sharper contrasts. Backing for acquiring nuclear weapons was highest among right-wing voters, with 79% of right-wing Confederation supporters and 65% of national-conservative Law and Justice (PiS) voters in favor.

Support was also present among voters of the New Left, at 54%. By contrast, only 35% of Civic Coalition voters—the governing bloc—expressed support, the lowest level among the major parties surveyed.

These figures suggest that the debate over nuclear deterrence is increasingly a question of national sovereignty and long-term security in the eyes of the electorate.

For many in Poland, the issue is framed less as aggression and more as self-reliance. In a continent long accustomed to outsourcing strategic decisions, Warsaw’s stance reflects a broader recalibration.

The French proposal does not currently offer shared decision-making authority over nuclear use. Yet for Poland, participation in a structured deterrence arrangement could signal both solidarity and strategic leverage.

Tusk’s government appears intent on keeping its options open. While no formal decision has been made, Warsaw is clearly positioning itself as an active participant in shaping Europe’s deterrence architecture.

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