President Trump’s push to quadruple US nuclear capacity faces global competition, regulatory hurdles, and fuel challenges—requiring international cooperation to compete with Russia and China.

Note: This article is part of the Center’s symposium on nuclear energy. To read other articles in the symposium, go here.

When he took office, President Donald Trump vowed to unleash American energy. A great place to start? With nuclear power.

Currently, there are around 440 commercial nuclear power reactors—in 31 countries around the world—that provide nearly 10 percent of the world’s electricity. And more are on the way. According to the World Nuclear Association, there are around 70 reactors under construction, with plans underway to build 100 more. All told, that’s a 40 percent increase.

This could be just the beginning. When Trump took office, he vowed to quadruple US nuclear power by 2050.

This increase isn’t a uniquely American phenomenon. Driven by growth in tech and industrial sectors, and by economic growth in the developing world, power demand is on the rise—and nuclear technology is a top choice.

That begs the question: Who will supply this nuclear technology? Today, Russia and China have a clear lead. But that doesn’t mean that the United States, working with its friends and allies, can’t ultimately win the competition.

Luckily, the United States has capable friends. But the key will be cooperation.

Cooperation with US Allies

South Korea, for example, is emerging as a formidable leader, with a domestic nuclear industry capable of providing the foundation for successful reactor export projects. Those in turn are leading to new business, strengthening the nuclear industry further.

Though led by South Korean companies, these projects create thousands of US jobs, thanks to commercial nuclear agreements between the United States and South Korea that allow American suppliers and advisors to provide expertise and components to the project.

Not only does this create jobs, but it also builds experience and feeds supply chains.

And while the United States might not be the commercial nuclear powerhouse it once was, it still offers its partners great value through its research infrastructure, which is second to none. The US economy is also a bastion of innovation and capital formation, with numerous private companies developing new commercial nuclear technologies while others improve on tried-and-true designs. All of that has enabled US firms to recently build new reactors at home and successfully export them abroad.

But the United States faces a major challenge when it comes to nuclear power: antiquated regulation and policy. Fortunately, President Trump isn’t blind to that problem. In fact, he recently signed a series of executive orders that, combined, offer the opportunity to revolutionize nearly every aspect of the US nuclear industry. If executed correctly, those orders will soon translate American capital and research into a growing nuclear industry, complete with new reactors.

Fueling a Nuclear Energy Revolution

That creates a question of its own: where to find the fuel for those reactors.

Currently, the United States doesn’t produce enough nuclear fuel to supply its current reactors—let alone a quadrupling of them. And while the United States makes up some of that dearth with fuel from friendly nations, far too much of its fuel comes from Russia. This is obviously untenable.

Last year, Congress passed the Prohibiting Russian Uranium Imports Act, a law ostensibly banning Russian uranium fuel imports—but which still allows Russian uranium into the country (via waivers) until 2028.

The idea was that a ban on Russian uranium would provide the market certainty needed to invite the domestic private sector to expand its operations. This has started to work, but more can be done to bring new supplies online faster.

For example, the Department of Energy must not weaken the ban by imprudently issuing waivers allowing Russian uranium in. Instead, waivers should only be issued transparently when no alternative exists.

At the same time, enrichment companies should be allowed to begin construction before receiving permits, so long as they do so at their own financial risk. Uranium enrichment is a well-known, safe process—these companies aren’t reinventing the wheel.

Similarly, firms should be exempt from submitting additional environmental review work when building or expanding sites where enrichment has already taken place, saving time and money.

Internationally, the United States would do well to update its thinking about the role its allies play in nuclear fuel production. Specifically, this means thinking more creatively about how peaceful nations like South Korea could meaningfully contribute to global commercial enrichment capacity.

Looking Forward

Russia and China understand that a commercial nuclear relationship can bind the importing nation to them for the long term by creating dependence on fuel, nuclear waste management, and other services.

In the absence of an affordable alternative, some may conclude that those dependencies are worth the risk. This is precisely what Western nations have done for decades, with both Europe and the United States developing energy dependencies on Russian gas, oil, and uranium, as well as on Chinese wind, solar, and battery technology.

Now, the United States and its allies must break free of the temptation to purchase Russian and Chinese reactors.

That means modernizing existing commercial nuclear trade relationships. Currently, the United States controls commercial nuclear exports via a complex regulatory web overseen by multiple federal agencies. This must be simplified and modernized, consistent with President Trump’s executive order, “Deploying Advanced Nuclear Reactor Technologies for National Security.”

Cooperation at the government level does not mean no international competition at the firm level. Laws and agreements should allow for technology sharing and seamless commercial nuclear energy trade—including technology. Meanwhile, policy should provide flexibility so that private firms can determine when it’s best to cooperate and when it’s best to compete.

The United States’ recent Memorandum of Understanding with the United Kingdom (UK) is a perfect example of this. It will allow for the best commercial nuclear technologies to be applied between the two countries—providing mutual benefit.

Aside from simply bringing affordable, reliable, and clean energy to the United States and UK, this will build strong supply chains, reveal regulatory obstacles, and, perhaps most importantly, position both nations’ industries to better compete with Russia and China. That’s precisely the sort of government-to-government cooperation that, if replicated, will make the US nuclear industry globally competitive.

Today, the United States has an opportunity to take the lead on nuclear energy. But will we take advantage of it? President Trump has already taken a massive step in the right direction. We need to keep going.

About the Author: Jack Spencer

Jack Spencer is a Senior Research Fellow for Energy and Environment in the Heritage Foundation’s Center for Energy, Climate, and Environment and the author of Nuclear Revolution: Powering the Next Generation (Optimum Publishing International, 2024).

Image: Sunshine Seeds/shutterstock

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