Improving Saudi‐Israeli Ties Shouldn’t Breed Nuclear Bombs
All eyes are currently riveted on Israel’s ground war in Gaza, but it’s not too soon to consider what comes next — aU.S.-brokered deal to normalize Israeli‐Saudi relations. Before Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, President Joe Biden had already offered Riyadh aformal defense commitmentand civil nuclear energy cooperation including enriching uranium— aprocess that can bring astate within weeks of acquiring abomb.
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Is this the best way to weld alasting peace between Saudi Arabia and Israel? Hardly. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) has repeatedlythreatenedto build nuclear bombs to counter Iran. ASaudi Arabia with uranium enrichment sets up arisky proliferation cascade. If Tehran and Riyadh build the bomb, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Turkey and Egypt — all of which have nuclear technology thanks to cooperation agreements with the U.S. — will want nuclear weapons of their own.
This should cause apause. At the very least, it recommends weighing any U.S.-Saudi nuclear deal more seriously than current U.S. law requires — i.e., with little more than apresidential announcement. Instead, Congress should treat it as deliberately as it does bilateral trade agreements, which require majority approvals in both houses. Israeli‐Saudi normalization should not be linked to aU.S.-Saudi nuclear deal. It should be hived off and considered separately.
Assuming Biden stays his current course, though, an announcement of a “historic” normalization package that includes aformal nuclear agreement is likely sometime next year. Even now, normalization — and its nuclear and nonnuclear sweeteners — are in play. MBSsays so. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahusays so. Bidenand his top foreign policy counselorssay so.
Before joining Bahrain, Morocco, Sudan and the UAE in recognizing Israel, MBS, though, has asked for ahefty pound of nuclear flesh — help in enriching uranium. This is the very bomb‐connected activity Iran has been spooking the world with. If Washington won’t help here, MBS says Riyadh could turn to China, which is already assisting Saudi Arabia in building auranium milling plant. Most Saudis see enriching uranium as asovereign rightthat the Kingdom must exercise.
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Israeli‐Saudi normalization should not be linked to aU.S.-Saudi nuclear deal. It should be hived off and considered separately.
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The question is why. MBS’s energy minister maintains Riyadh wants to mine, mill and enrich uranium to exploit rich domestic uranium reserves for the purpose of fueling afuture Saudi fleet of power reactors. Yet, recent uranium prospecting in Saudi Arabia has only found“extremely uneconomic” deposits. Link this with MBS’s repeated threats to get the bomb and his reluctance to adoptanything but aminimal safeguards agreementwith the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the hand‐wringing begins.
But it gets worse. As Biden entertainsMBS’s enrichment demands, he has to worry that the UAE, which foreswore enrichmentas part of its nuclear agreement with the U.S., will demand equal treatment as the deal allows if Washington offers more generous nuclear terms to the UAE’s neighbors. Allow the Saudis to enrich, then, and the UAE could be next, followed by others. How this will deter Iran’s nuclear ambitions is anybody’s guess.
Under the U.S. Atomic Energy Act, all Biden needs to do to finalize aSaudi nuclear deal is announce it and let the text sit with Congress for 90 consecutive legislative days. If super majorities in both houses fail to reject or revise it, the agreement automatically becomes law. Bundling aU.S.-Saudi nuclear agreement with Israeli‐Saudi normalization will likely cause Congress to avoid dedicated hearings on the nuclear deal to instead focus solely on normalization.
This isn’t inevitable, though. Members from both chambers and partiespreviously introduced legislationto require both houses to vote on any Saudi nuclear deal allowing enrichment. Three days before Hamas attacked Israel, 20 senators wrote aletter to the White Housedemanding any U.S.-Saudi agreement prohibit Saudi enrichment and require Saudi Arabia to open itself up to the IAEA’s most stringent inspections.
These same senators are likely to raise probing questions. Can inspectors detectdiversions of enriched uranium early enough to block aSaudi nuclear bomb? Can anyone keep MBS from seizing “protected” nuclear facilities? Iran used its safeguarded power reactor at Bushier as acovert acquisition frontto secure nuclear weapons‐related goods. U.S. intelligence got the details too late to stop it. Could the Saudis do the same?
Presumably, the White House would prefer not having to field such questions while selling apackage that’s likely to contain contentious U.S. security guarantees. That would recommend keeping any U.S.-Saudi nuclear deal out of the initial package. The White House could choose to do this, but Congress ought to ensure it by requiringboth houses to approve any nuclear cooperative agreement cut with any nation whose leader has publicly threatened to leave the Non‐Proliferation Treaty or demanded to enrich uranium. Today, that nation would be Saudi Arabia.